Media Essays Magazines Men Women

Media Essays Magazines Men Wo handsMagazines Men WomenLiterature Re spateMany scholars have argued the media play an increasingly substitution role deep d receive contemporary society, and the shaping of identities (Holmes, 2007 McRobbie, 2000). Kellner (1994, cited in Durham, 1995, p.2) argues the media provide individuals with the materials to forge their identity and sense of egohood including our notions of priapic and pistillate and what it means to be good or bad.As a medium, cartridge holders have not been studied in as much depth as newspapers, television and radio. However they atomic number 18 still an beta cultural tool and a valuable medium to theater of operations, with a unique function to bring high-value interpretative information to specifically defined, yet national audiences (Abrahamson, 1996, cited in Holmes, 2007, p.511).The analytic thinking of figures at bottom magazines is a valid centering of resumeing gender roles and relations concord to But ler and Paisley (1980, p.49). They argue images formed from mediated precepts become infract of a viewers conception of themselves. Vigorito and Curry (1998, p. 136) point out that popular culture is increasingly visual, and that magazine pictures carry signifi bottomt messages close cultural norms and values, including the norms of gender relations.In a meditate of the pictorial images featured in Playboy and Cosmopolitan, Krassas et al (2001, p.752) argue that images within magazines have a demonstrable effect on how we think about ourselves, and that they explicitly advise the reader about how to look and act. The following study that is predominantly image-based analysis is therefore a legitimate and valid way of studying the sample material.Research into masculinity and male depiction within womens magazines has been scarce according to many scholars (Holmes, 2007 Farvid and von Braun, 2006 Vigorito and Curry, 1998), with most research tensenessed on the social bring to pa ssion of femininity (Vigorito and Curry, 1998, p.135). However, with an established theory that identifies gender as a social construct that defines masculinity as historically re spry to changing definitions of femininity (Kimmel, 1995, p.14), the study of the representation of men and their roles within womens magazines has become increasingly significant. As Farvid and Braun (2006) explainThe focus on men is particularly relevant because, in a heteronormative world, male and young-bearing(prenominal) conjureualities argon constructed simultaneously. Therefore, although previous examination of femininity/ feminine gender in magazines have been useful, they are only partially complete, as female (hetero)sexuality is also constructed through the magazines account of male (hetero)sexuality (p.298).The following study interested with the sexual representation of men in contemporary womens magazines is therefore pertinent to existing theory. As the majority of studies are also Ameri can and at least five years old, there is entirelyification for a contemporary, English study on the sexual presentation of men in womens magazines.In his observation of womens magazines, Gauntlett (2002, p.51) notes that the changes in content coincide with societal changes in gender relations. The 1940s and 1950s saw the emphasis was centred on a domestic simpering housewife, that saw education and careers as the masculinisation of women. The 1960s saw the sexual revolution that marked the seeds of change within society and womens magazines. From this season the sexual longings of all women including the respectable and the unmarried, could openly be acknowledged and discussed (Wouters 1998, p.188). In the 1970s and 1980s magazines continued to change, to account for women and their changing positions within society (Gauntlett 2002, p.52).Attwood (2004, p.15) argues since the nineties popular media has depicted new sexualities, which break existing norms of feminine behaviour by addressing women as knowing and lustful. McNair (2002, p.88) has also noted that we increasingly brood in a striptease culture that is focused on sexual confession and self-revelation, that manifests itself within print media. On a broad level, the following study is concerned with how this emerging sexual discourse within the media and society is manifested within womens magazines. on base changing societal values and morals, there are infrangible arguments suggesting the content of womens magazines can be directly influenced by the interests of advertisers. In the relentless search for new markets by advertisers, erotic images of men are designed to appeal to some(prenominal) liberated women as advantageously as the new male consumer (Rohlinger, 2002, p.61). In the 1990s, rumours circulated that womens magazine Company, had found a sales mandate relating to circulation figures with the number of times the word sex appeared on the cover lines (Gough-Yates, 2003, p.139). Con sumers that buy young womens magazines also have the most desirable demographic to advertisers young, single, employed, well educated and urban and are the most likely to buy a magazine for its coverage of sex (Rohlinger, 2002, p.61).There is a general cartel that the content of womens magazines has reached a sexual peak in todays society. Sex sets the t cardinal, defines the pace, and shapes the whole environment of womens magazines (McRobbie, 1996, p.177). There is currently a lust revival, an acceleration in the emancipation of sexuality (Wouters, 1998, p.200). Winship (2000, p.43) argues sexual discourse, which was once a cliquish dialogue, has been re-positioned in a public space, moving it from a private to a public discourse. Attwood (2004, p.15) supports this idea, arguing that sexy images have become the currency of the day.Not only has the sheer volume of sexual coverage change magnitude dramatically, Scott (1985, p. 387) points out that there has also been a complete liberalisation of the treatment of sex within womens magazines. Sexuality has replaced romance as the ideologic focus with a more pronounced emphasis on strong, frank, and explicitly sexual representations (McRobbie, 1996, p.192).With sexuality replacing romance as the ideological focus of womens magazines, Giddens (1992, p.1-2) argues sexuality has been released from the confines of a heterosexual, monogamous, procreative hegemony and has been replaced with sexual pluralism, a sexual identity defined and structured by individual choice. This individual choice and sexual pluralism can be seen within the pages of womens magazines as young women are actively encouraged to be sexual actors, even predators in their search for sex (Gauntlett, 2002, p.206).Gauntlett (2002, p.97) supports Giddens arguments for a post-traditional society, referring to the increased levels of divorce and separation as individuals move from one relationship to another. Furthermore, Wouters (1998, p.208) a rgues there is now a sexualisation of love and an eroticisation of sex.With the liberalisation of womens magazines in favour of a more sexually confident standpoint, debates surround the change in attitude and treatment towards men in favour of an objectified, sexist approach. Men, it has been argued, are no longer tough with respect but could be seen as inadequate, or the butt of jokes (Gauntlett, 2002, p.53). As Wolf (1994) explainsMale sexuality, once cloaked in prohibitions that kept women from making comparisons, is under scrutiny, and the secrets of male virility are on display (p.24).After years of women complaining about the objectification of their bodies, the male body was on display cut up, close up and oh so tastefully lit (Moore, 1988, p.45). As womens magazines became more sexual, the availability of mens bodies as sex objects became central to this emergent discourse (Ticknell et al, 2003, p.54).Counter to the argument of womens magazines as a stage for demeaning and objectifying men, is the admittance this it is something mens magazines have been doing for decades, and since both sexes chooses to do so it probably doesnt matter in sexism terms (Gauntlett, 2002, p.174).Womens magazines also do not treat men as just bodies or sex machines all the time they are also presented as thoughtful, emotional beings (Gauntlett, 2002, p.188).Additionally, it could be argued that far from being an emergent discourse, the male appearance has been visible(prenominal) for the viewing pleasure of women for centuries. In the nineteenth century, a mans physical appearance was taken as a sign of intelligence and morality, and women were invited to view mens bodies as a sign of their superiority and harmony (Stern, 2003, p.220).Despite evidence to suggest it is not a valid criticism that womens magazines objectify men the viewing of mens bodies in todays society is done so in a mainstream context, using mechanisms historically associated purely with men and how th ey look at women, signalling that, for the first time, erotic spectacles had crossed gender boundaries (Moore, 1988, p. 47).Laura Mulvey, in her essay Visual Pleasure and Narrative movie theatre (1975), first introduced the idea of the male gaze Mulvey argued that mainstream Hollywood cinema primarily sets out to satisfy the unconscious desires of men. She argued that male characters do most of the looking within films, making them the (active) subjects, and female characters are looked at, making them the (passive) objects.Male spectators identify with the male protagonist, and female spectators, Mulvey says, are also compelled to take the viewpoint of the central male character, denying women of their own perspective. A temporary masculinisation is the only way Mulvey can offer pleasure for the women viewer. And while the male hero in the film cannot be viewed as a sexual object, according to the principles of the ruling ideology, he can be admired by men narcissistically as an i deal version of the self (1975, p.14).Perhaps the biggest problem with Mulveys argument is the denial of a female gaze (Gauntlett, 2002, p.39). As Moore points out,To suggest that women actually look at mens bodies is apparently to stumble into a theoretical minefield which holds sacred the idea that in the dominant media the look is always already structured as male. (Moore, 1988, p.45).Support for Mulveys masculinised female viewing is found in Krassas et als (2001) comparative study of gender roles in Cosmopolitan and Playboy. The study concluded that both magazines reflected the male gaze, regardless of audience, because both portrayed women as sex objects and the main concept within both was the idea of women attracting and sexually satisfying men.Additionally, if gaze behaviour is characterised by the viewing of a passive object, Schauer (2005, p.57) argues men are often pictured in traditional roles with power tools, hammers, army uniforms and so on, to show a betrothal in a n activity as a strategy to offset the passivity of being looked at. If this is the case, Mulveys framework of the gaze cannot be applied to women.However, since their earliest days, movies have included and celebrated attractive men whose sexual magnetism has no doubt drawn women into cinemas (Gauntlett, 2002, p.39). Since Mulveys argument, various writers have argued for the inclusion of the female spectator within the framework of the gaze and Gauntlett describes Mulveys argument as untenable (2002, p.39).Van Zoonen (1994, p.97) argues Mulveys analysis of patriarchal cinema is dark and kill, which has lost ground to an alternative more confident and empowering approach to female spectatorship that allows a subversive way of viewing the texts. Moore (1988, p.59) also makes the case for a female gaze, arguing that it does not s require replicate a monolithic and masculinised stare, but instead involves a whole variety of looks and glances an interplay of possibilities.Attwood (2 004, p.15) argues that in todays society, objectification is a necessary precondiction for erotic gazing in a narcissistic culture where the body is widely represented as an object for display. In this climate, there is a strong encouragement for a female gaze and the creation of a space for male narcissism (MacKinnon, 1997, p.190). Therefore, securing the gaze of others connotes desirability and self-importance for both women and men (Attwood, 2004, p.15). It could be argued therefore, that womens magazines may provide a stage for the objectification of men which in a narcissistic culture is both inevitable and desirable.The following study is concerned with whether there is evidence of a female gaze within womens magazines that fits within Mulveys framework of gaze. Thus, whether men are actively viewed by women as passive objects. Furthermore, Mulvey points out that the appearance of women are often coded for strong visual and erotic impact, so that they can be said to connote to -be-looked-at-ness (1989, p.10). This instalment will be analysed in the examination of the images of men within the three chosen magazines to discover if men display the same visual codes and therefore imply they are receiving a female gaze.The growing preoccupation with sex and male bodies within womens magazines has come under much debate by theorists, with one of the most passionately critical arguing they are morally reprehensible, offering a depressing portrait of the modern British woman (Anderrson and Mosbacher, 1997, p.18). Women were described as dishonest and crude, with no moral standard at all (p.56).Women can be, once corrupted, both more disgusting and degraded than men. As Shakespeare said, Lilies that fester timber far worse than weeds. (Burrows in Anderrson and Mosbacher, 1997, p.57)Despite the passionate and dramatic way the report denounced the content of womens magazines and their sexual content, the arguments put forward were mark as outdated and rigid, with the overwhelming consensus agreeing that the liberalisation and sexualisation of magazines were, although not perfect, a good and liberating thing nonetheless.Magazines borrow from feminist discourse, which imply to their readership a genuine commitment to the equation of men and women in their sexual worth (Tyler, 2004, p.96). The depictions of female sexuality are an empowered one, as there are representations of young women as sexually active and independent with the right to desire sex and receive sexual pleasure. The magazines can therefore be seen as sexually liberating and offering an image of sexual room for women (Farvid and Braun, 2006, p.299).The main elements and issues covered by womens magazines all figure high in the feminist agenda, and confirm that womens magazines strive to provide an image of equality (McRobbie, 1999, p.57).Others argue however, that regardless of the emergent sexual discourse which implies womens magazines provide a feminist message for readers the obsession with men in the magazines reinforce an earlier notion that believes men are the route to happiness, and in reinforcing this attitude, they are legitimising and naturalising patriarchal domination (Farvid and Braun, 2006, p.296).The ideological underpinnings conform to rigid and traditional norms. These constructions position women as objects of male desire and underscore womens subordinate position in contemporary society (Durham, 1995, p.18).Furthermore, it has been argued that womens magazines use sex as a faade to represent women as dangerous and daring through sex when in fact, the sexual acts represented are only mildly transgressive, and are actually based on traditional gender roles (Machin and Thornborrow, 2003, p.455).The theory of womens magazines presenting traditional and stereotypical gender roles in the subtle undertones of the magazines, mirrors the opinion theorists mat up about womens magazines in the 1940s and 1950s that they projected the image of a simpering housewife. Admittedly the appropriate roles for men and women were referred to more explicitly in those times, however it still implies that both present essentially the same message that men are the route to happiness (Klassen et al, 1993).Goffmans (1979) study into gender stereotypes within advertisements commented on how different poses portray messages about masculinity and femininity. He found that women were often portrayed in very stereotypical ways, much(prenominal) as in submissive or family roles and in lower physical and social positions than men (Baker, 2005, p.14). A number of theorists adopted his methods for analysing magazine images, all of which back up his findings that gender is stereotyped within images with women portrayed as submissive and passive, and men as dominant and superior (Kang, 1997 Klassen et al, 1993 Krassas et al, 2001 Vigorito and Curry, 1998).Similarly, Kim and Ward (2004, p.48-49) argue that womens magazines skew the word picture of males and females to their target audience so that editors, writers and advertisers can take advantage of gender myths and fears.In contrast to this traditional view of gender is McRobbies (1999, p.50) argument that it is falsely assumed the ideology of the magazines will be absorbed in a direct way by readers. Hermes (1995, p.148) supports this argument suggesting that readers only assort with part of what a magazine is saying, and cultural studies makes the mistake of assuming that texts are always significant.Additionally Gauntlett (2002, p.207) points out that the encouragement of women to be active in their search for sex is a rejection of passive femininity, and is feminist progress. He adds that while womens magazines may have a large rest of content concerned with finding the right man, women are aggressively seeking out partners rather than waiting for a nice husband to come along (p.191). He therefore rejects the idea of women being presented as passive, subservient beings which is a traditional notion of femininity.The presence of men as objects to be viewed by women is in itself also a way in which traditional gender ideologies is subverted within the magazines. This approach to men is traditionally only associated with the way men have treated women (Gauntlett, 1999, p.188).Though there are convincing arguments for both sides of the argument that womens magazines either present a feminist message, or a traditional ideological message, most scholars agree womens magazines do not construct a single mythic meaning of feminine identity, or present one ideological position for their readers. Instead, the discourses of womens magazines are mixed, somewhat contradictory (Bignell, 1997, p.56-57).The oppositional arguments surrounding the extent to which gender is presented within womens magazines leads McRobbie (1994, p.163) to believe there are spaces for negotiation within womens magazines, and that they bring half a feminist message to women that would not otherwise receive it.In support of this, Hollows (2000, p.195) argues the feminist messages that are within womens magazines produce spaces where meanings can be contested, with results that might not be free of contradictions, but which do signify shifts in regimes of representation.Within the following study I wish to identify to what extent gender is portrayed as stereotypical and traditional, and how this is negotiated within the emergent sexual discourse of the magazines, specifically in the objectification of men. Alongside this aim, I also wish to identify whether there is evidence of a female gaze in which men are presented in a way that implies they will receive an active sexual objectifying gaze.